Daily Course Meeting Information

Last modified on  May 24, 2012.  Mary Baldwin College, Staunton VA 24401

Political Science 111: Comparative Politics, Fall 2012

Gordon L. Bowen, Ph. D.

Professor of Political Science and International Relations

gbowen@mbc.edu


Sept. 6

Sept. 11 Sept. 13 Sept. 18 Sept. 20 Sept. 25
Sept. 27 Oct. 2: Apple Day (no class meeting) Oct. 4 Oct. 9 Oct. 11 Oct. 16
Oct. 18 Oct. 23 Oct. 25: Midterm Exam Oct. 30 Nov. 1 Nov. 6
Nov. 8 Nov. 13 Nov. 15 Nov. 20 Nov. 27 Nov. 29
Dec. 4 Dec. 6        

Prof. Bowen's inclement weather policy: If the College is open, class will occur; if the College is closed, class is cancelled.  To learn if the College is closed on any stormy/snowy/icy day, call 540-887-7000.  Any exception to the statement above will be posted here.


Sept. 4 , 2012: First class meeting.  Syllabus will be distributed, course members will introduce themselves, course requirements and the extra credit option will be explained

Class agenda shown on the screen today may be accessed after class has met by following this link. That agenda included consumer information on historic course GPAs earned in this course.


 

Sept. 6, 2012: Getting Oriented to the discipline; Basic Concepts of Political Science.

Class agenda projected onto the screen during today's class will be available after class meets: follow this link. As some planned material was not presented, especially on the topic of how Aristotelian methods came to be used by modern political scientists, that topic is discussed more fully below (after the "Announcements"). 

Additionally, if you would like to go over the PowerPoint used in illustrating this lesson, or to look over the final parts not presented to class due to lack of time, please follow this link.

 

Announcements:

 

Major topics likely to be addressed during class today include:

I. The Origins of Political Science

a. Aristotle and Alexander

b. Aristotle and the inductive method

c. Classifying political systems: who rules? in whose interest?

II. Evolution of Political Science into a Social Science
a. to 19th Century: Deductive Philosophizing vs. inductive study of law and constitutions

b. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, social scientists began to systematically observe the real world and to generalize from what they found.  They discovered a U.S. politics substantially at variance with the image that civic education and the study of formal government and law had produced.  Three authors importantly recast our understandings of the political: Woodrow Wilson's "Congressional Government," Arthur F. Bentley's Group Theory, and C. Wright Mills' Power Elite theory.

In Congressional Government (1885), political scientist (and future U.S. President) Wilson observed the actual operations of the U.S. Congress and found structures unmentioned in the U.S. Constitution to be the key to understanding how laws and policies actually were made.  He focused on the Committee System as the essence in need of understanding if one is to grasp U.S. politics. 

A modern scholar employing Wilson's methods and foci would be likely to need to be alert to observe changing patterns on Capitol Hill.  Until January 2007, such an approach would have led a scholar to zero in on the contemporary Republican Party caucus, on (then) Speaker of the House Dennis Hastert, and on key Committees and subcommittees of the Congress.  The 2006 Congressional election ended Republican control of the Congress.  Once the Democratic Party regained control over both houses (January 2007), one key thing to watch proved to be the leadership of the House and Senate.  Each leadership team brought its own approach to the management of House and Senate, with Sen. Harry Reid injecting a new partisan spirit into the upper chamber.  The actual pattern of power in the lower chamber could not be quickly discerned, and would require close attention to the relative influence of leaders, chairs, and the Democratic Party caucus.  Their first year in power indicated that while Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi prevailed in denying the Chair of the Intelligence Committee to the most senior member, the controversial Rep. Alcee Hastings (FL), she could not convince the caucus to elect her chosen candidate, Rep. John Murtha (PA), as second-in-command of the House. Maryland Rep. Steny Hoyer was voted into the role of Majority Leader, instead.  Despite Democratic Party majorities in both houses, routine spending bills could not be successfully passed during the regular budget cycle.  In the U.S., we simply have "weak parties," i.e., central party authorities have limited leverage over individual elected party members.  For example, after the landslide Democratic Party victory in the 2008 general election, reluctant "Blue Dog" Democratic Party conservatives in 2009 were a leading source of irritation to the Obama Administration and its efforts to enlist House and Senate to support its Health Care initiatives.   Disappointed voters returned control of the House of Representatives to the Republican Party in 2011, and Pres. Obama faced strongly "divided government" with that key chamber now being led by Speaker John Boehner, who proved to be limited in his ability to strike deals with Pres. Obama due to the growing influence of the Tea Party faction within the Republican caucus.

In The Process of Government: A Study of Social Pressures (1908), political science and sociology professor Bentley moved beyond the legislature and formal institutions of government entirely, seeking to explain governing as a response to organized social groups.  Bentley argued that all political activity is best understood as the byproduct of groups' behaviors.  Government continued to be the setting within which groups' influence was thought by Bentley to be sorted out, but individuals' actions receded as an explanation for what government does.  Individuals' behavior, Bentley thought, conveyed group identities, objectives, and became influential primarily when coordinated with others.  The lobbying and influence process surrounding the 2009 mobilization of opposition to the Obama Administration's Health Care initiatives was a good example of the continuing relevance of interest groups in understanding "who gets what" in U.S. politics.

In The Power Elite (1956), sociologist C. Wright Mills took group theory several steps further.  Mills argued that while multiple organized groups may exist in any society, a unified and much smaller set of individuals and groups actually hold authoritative power, using it to establish rules and laws, social norms and customs, and other important relationships that shape the key decisions.  Corporate, military, and to a lesser extent, political elites congeal to reflect common ideals, outlooks, and goals.  Formal government in this scheme of understanding comes to reflect the priorities of a "power elite" hidden from easy view.  It is this "power elite" that largely holds final authority without occupying formal office.  While Mills tried to distance his argument from the Cold War clash of ideologies with which it contemporaneously existed, many of his key conclusions substantially reinforced similar arguments made by American and European Marxists, and by other apologists for the Soviet Union.

Pluralism.  In response to the critical implications of group theory and especially to rebut Mills' views, pluralist theory was developed by Yale political scientist Robert Dahl, first in a case study of New Haven, CT (Who Governs?, 1963) and later as a complete theory about American democracy, in Polyarchy (1972), and many other works.  Dahl and the pluralists who have followed him accept Bentley's and Mills' premise that Constitutional claims of mass self-government are an illusion, but they counter the implication Mills drew when he suggested that democracy in America (and other Western states) therefore was essentially a fraud.  Pluralists follow the Aristotelian tradition of observing politics and political outcomes.  When they do, they find groups and elites wielding disproportionate influence much like Mills found.  But the pluralists additionally observe that there are multiple elites, that each elite exercises influence only over some narrow realms of policy, that elites compete with one another, and that over time no single set of actors always wins.  Thus, while "the people" don't really rule in modern democracy, multiple actors do rule, in a manner that more approximates a rich competition among social forces than the unified "power elite" that Mills and Marxist theory insist exists.

c. Behavioral Science and its influence: The quest for unified Social Science at U. of Chicago led to:

IV. The System Model of Politics: 
To a considerable extent, what follows below is the intellectual child of the late Gabriel Almond (Stanford University), author of Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach and many other works.  The Washington Post reported that Almond died on Dec. 25, 2002. 
a. Basic Definitions

Politics is any enduring pattern of human relationships which involves to a significant extent Power, Rule and Authority, (adapted from Robert Dahl, Modern Political Analysis).

Political science is the systematic observation, description, and analysis of politics. It focuses on patterns of politics as they are made to be binding on all humans in a specific geographic place, especially as it pertains to the allocation of scarce goods and the allocation of values.

The political system is a conceptual framework used to identify the roles which perform the political functions of exercising power, making rules, and establishing authority. It summarizes the key relationships in the interaction of the political system with its environment.  Go here for a visual / graphical depiction of these concepts.

b. Other terms: In common English, other terms frequently are used to speaking about a particular political system. However, these each have narrower, specialized meanings when used in political science:

A Nation: a collective identity of a people as a result of common history, expectations of a shared future, and, usually, a common language.

The State: the primary actor in world politics since 1648. All states possess the following characteristics:

  • sovereignty: i.e., it alone manages its own affairs.
  • territory
  • population:
  • recognition by other states

Nation-state: a modern concept which, since the French Revolution of 1789, has stressed the political unity and independence of peoples; i.e.:

state = nation = people.

The Government: The formal offices which official documents of the State designate as those which perform the political functions (i.e., Power, Rule, and Authority).
c. The political system: using the biological metaphor of a life form interacting with its environment
The concept of political system is more neutral than any of these; it is a framework we can use to observe the world as we find it, and classify what we observe.

Among the key sets of relationships are modes of receiving input from the social system,

conversion processes of translating social demand and support into rules and decisions about allocations,

and output.

Input has two main forms, demands and supports. Demonstrations, voting, lobbying, filing lawsuits, armed uprisings, public opinion, and choosing not to participate all are forms of input into the political system.

Conversion processes vary according to the informal and the institutional structure of the state: parliamentary, presidential, military government (etc.) each stipulate different modes of decision making in response to input.

The key forms of output from the political system are of two basic types, tangible policies and symbolic policies. These are directed toward the environment in which the political system exists and alter it; and are known as domestic policy (when directed toward the social system in which the political system exists) and foreign policy (when directed toward the environment beyond the political system).


 Sept. 11, 2012 : Concepts for Studying Democracy Comparatively

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link.

Today's readings by Schmitter and Karl is available online (follow this link); and Sen also is available here: follow this link.

 

Review: Basic concepts of political science may be reiterated.

Political Science concepts and definitions linked here, especially the idea of a political system (or the System Model of Politics), are found by following these links, as well as in the Roskin reading.  Along with the chart of Aristotle's original classification scheme for governments these are of some importance in understanding what political scientists once studied, and do study.

Discussion questions about today's readings (follow links to photos of each author): Schmitter/Karl; Sen:

Each author emphasizes the social basis of democratic political life.   In reading them, certain common points may emerge.  The questions below are similar to, but not identical to, the ones the instructor will use in class to bring out discussion about the ideas posed by the authors, and your views about these issues:

Questions to ponder when doing the readings:

What does each author suggest is the essence of democracy?

Is a particular form of government, or a particular set of institutions, necessary for democracy to succeed?

What social conditions must exist for democracy to prosper?  

Is democratization the same as "Westernization"?  Why or why not?

What do the authors contend about the importance of capitalism?  Have you heard elsewhere other views on this issue?  What do you think on this?

In reading, it also might be helpful to note closely the concept of  civil society as used in Schmitter and Karl.

Is this concept largely consistent with the argument made in "democracy and its global roots" by Sen

Prof. Bowen's response to the ideas in these readings: Democracy rests on more than mere elections of rulers, in Britain, in the U.S., or anywhere.  It rests on sustaining over time attitudes appropriate to a democratic citizenry: a people who have learned to accept the contingent nature of power (i.e., that legitimate power rests on the periodic consent of the governed; that those who hold power must have those positions of authority reconfirmed through regularly scheduled free and competitive elections), a people who have developed the ability to respect the right for others to hold views that differ from their own, who accept the need to compromise, who build attitudes and institutions that protect the rights of minorities, and who freely choose to try to solve some social problems on their own without demanding government action.


Sept. 13, 2012: The Origins of Liberal Democracy

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link. 

Announcements: 

 

 

Quote of the day

"Democracy is the worst form of government, except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time."

Winston Churchill, speech to House of Commons,

Nov. 11, 1947


Roskin (i.e., the core text) on the Origins of Liberal Democracy will be one of the issues likely to be addressed in class discussion.   Questions:


1. Issues raised in the Roskin reading for today included:

Did England give to the world the democratic idea? Why or why not?

Roskin notes that several influences made democracy possible in Britain. How did each play a role?

feudalism vs. royal power

royal vs. clerical power

processes of democratizing Parliament

Other Factors: What role was played by:
Key leaders: Henry VIII, Benjamin Disraeli

Key thinkers: 

Key historic changes: 

  • colonialism
  • the industrial revolution
  • the scientific revolution

2. Concepts that also are likely to be addressed in class today include ideology, pragmatism

3. A short video interview of former PM Mrs. Margaret Thatcher is planned to be viewed and discussed at this point in the course.  In it she discusses her view of the role of public opinion in British democracy.   Consider what you hear:

4. Additional matters that help get us oriented to the British approach to politics might come up today.  Look over the list of Supplemental Materials supporting PolS 111 created by Prof. Bowen on this website.  They have been created to help deepen your understanding of the issues in the course.  Feel free to browse there now and later, e.g.: 

This emphasis on the guiding force of our backgrounds and life experiences, however, can be overdone.  Prof. Bowen contends that these varied outside influences, while informative, can be overestimated as the complete explanation of our attitudes and behavior: our history is not our destiny.  Prof. Bowen subscribes to the underlying philosophic belief that human beings possess free will and through conscious choice exercise a range of control over their behavior.

You, of course, are free to come up with your own position on these matters.


 Sept. 18, 2012 :  British Political Institutions

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link.


Preliminaries:

Background about choosing leaders in British politics:

 

  • Similarly, results of the British General Election of 2005 can help students understand British political institutions. In that election, British Prime Minister Tony Blair and his Labour Government were returned to office despite widespread public ill ease over the war in Iraq throughout the United Kingdom.  Subsequently, Prime Minister Tony Blair announced on Sept. 7, 2006 that it was his intention to resign his office within a year so to provide an orderly transition of leadership in the Labour Party substantially in advance of the next general election.  He made good on his promise, retiring from formal office during summer 2007, and it saddens those of us who have found helpful his consistent acts and articulate voice in support of American interests.  Blair now serves as chief Middle East negotiator for the "Quartet" of states and organizations (i.e., the U.N., the European Union, Russia, and the U.S.A.) seeking a negotiated end to the Arab-Israeli conflict.  The choice of a new Prime Minister fell to the Labour Party alone, not to the voters.  In 2007, a new leader, Gordon Brown, was chosen by the Labour Party's Members of Parliament; as party leader of the largest party in the House of Commons, he then became Prime Minister.  For some time in 2007-10,  the top leader of the U.K., Gordon Brown was a man who never was understood by the electorate to be their likely Prime Minister when they voted for a Labour candidate in their district.  This demonstrates that ultimately British government is party government, and the rule by the leading party it embodies rests on the periodic consent of the voters more indirectly than is the case in the U.S.  Follow these links to see two charts on the results: 2005 election: seats won by party; and 2005 election: popular vote by party.   Note how narrowly Labour won in the popular vote, yet was able to assemble a parliamentary majority nonetheless.

I. Before class:

II. In Class we will continue to attempt to show relationships between styles of political leadership and solving problems through the use of government.  Part of this involves learning about British Political Institutions (developed below).  The 2007 film, "The Blair Decade," will form part of today's class and our next class.  Organized around a biography of the political career of PM Tony Blair (1997-2007), the mechanisms of political rule and accountability of rulers will be amply portrayed.  A segment will be shown on how Blair took charge of his Cabinet in 1997, reassured financial markets about the moderate nature of his government, and managed (with the help of then U.S. President Bill Clinton and former U.S. Senator George Mitchell in 1998 to secure an agreement to end the violence in Northern Ireland.  This agreement is known as the "Good Friday" Accords.  Integral to the stories told both here and in the film is the importance of political parties: they are key to selection of leaders for the formal institutions.  Parties also shape the variety in public opinion into two large blocs, Labour and Conservative, and thus "aggregate" diverse perspectives into coherent alternative sets from which voters choose.  One way this occurs can be revealed through detailed attention to elections (below, follow the link about "recruiting and holding leaders accountable").  But another large part is played by leaders themselves: how they comport themselves, how they unite or divide the public and their party through their use of language and through the staging of political events.  Blair, who held office for ten years, was a master of these political arts.


An overview of the main points that will likely be covered follows:

-the Westminster Model

-Recruiting and holding leaders accountable: the impact of the Single Member District system, which is to reinforce the Two Party Dominant system

-the paths to power followed by recent British leaders

-role of political parties

- Other comparisons to USA, Germany, Russia


Here is greater detail on British Political Institutions, matters which also are addressed in the Roskin text.
Responsible Government: merging Executive and Legislative Power

Party Government

Cabinet Government: Collective Responsibility

Contrasting their Legislative Powers

Describing and exemplifying the informal Checks that exist on the Powers of the Prime Minister

Contrasting these with the formal processes in the U.S.

The role of the presiding officer in the legislature, the Speaker of the House: in the U.S., the Speaker is the partisan leader of the largest party in the House.  He (John Boehner) can utilize her power of the gavel to favor her party to the extent the rules of the House allow it.  Thus, when his Republican predecessor in Nov. 2003 had introduced an omnibus appropriations bill but it failed to secure enough votes to pass in the allotted time, the (then) Speaker Dennis Hastert extended the voting time for three hours so that Republican supporters could return to the Capitol and vote.  In Britain, on the other hand, the Speaker is non-partisan, and is there to keep order, only. 

Form of Debate: in the House of Commons it is considered bad form to speak using notes or to carry on for more than 20 minutes.  In the U.S., senators and representatives may speak from notes --even read them-- and the practice of filibuster (in the Senate, only) can lead to very long speeches.  Often these wander off the topic; in one instance the DC phone book was read aloud simply to consume time.  The purpose of debate in Commons ordinarily is to exchange views between those supporting the Government legislation and their opponents as these disagreements concern proposed legislation or administrative problem cases.  In Congress, debate in the full chamber often is used as a stalling tactic to impede passage of legislation already vetted in Committees.  This is done in the House of Representatives by proposing dilatory amendments; and in the Senate by this practice plus by the filibuster.

Focus of Legislation.  In a nutshell, British legislation focuses on national issues, whereas much legislation in Congress focuses on matters of concern to particular localized districts (in Britain: "constituencies") and interest groups.  An excellent example of this was on display in Washington during the week of August 22-26, 2005, as the recommendations of a nonpartisan military base closing commission each were put to separate debate and votes on the floor of the House of Representatives.  Representatives on both sides of the aisle (i.e.: Democrats and Republicans) equally weighed in to preserve bases in their district, some successfully and others not.  Similarly, the August 2010 announcement by Secretary of Defense Robert Gates that he would recommend the closing of a major Joint Operations Center in Norfolk, VA has begun to engender broad, bipartisan opposition in the Hampton Roads region. If the essence of politics is "who gets what, when and how," in America the Congressional votes to approve, or disallow, such recommendations definitely reveal who is going to get their bread buttered and who is going to be left with not a slice.  It is not always a partisan matter; often Democratic and Republican Party lawmakers from the same region agree on a common position. This is because the money generated by a military base pours into a community in the form of wages paid to service personnel, formal expenditures by the base (e.g. for concrete from a local supplier), and support for local businesses (e.g., hairdressers, car dealerships, restaurants) provided by off duty expenditures by base personnel.  Take away that payroll and away go local non-military jobs.  The struggle to retain military bases forms among the best examples of Congressmen and women "bringing home the pork" ... when our representatives can keep the one (or more than one) in our district open, lots of people benefit.  Other routine forms of this are highway building, defense contracting, etc.  In 2009-10, competition for Economic Stimulus monies manifested this pattern. But, unlike the U.S., in Britain there is little tradition of "pork barrel politics" -- legislation designed to "bring home the bacon" to a member's district, paid for by the taxpayers of the whole country.  Legislators there who fail to bring lavish spending to a locale need not fear the wrath of voters in the same way American legislators may.  The political culture in Britain simply doesn't expect this from their representatives.

Role and Function of Committees.  In the 1880s, Wilson wrote "Congress in session is Congress on display, whereas Congress in Committee is Congress at work."  This remains as true today as 125 years ago.  In Britain, the committees once were ad hoc committees, created only if desired by the Government; and such ad hoc committees dissolved upon completion of the assigned task.  In recent decades, standing committees resembling those in the U.S. have been instituted.  Membership typically represents all three major British parties.  But legislation considered is introduced to the House only with approval of the Government.

Place of Legislature in the "Opportunity Structure."  Political scientist Joseph Schlesinger referred to the ladder of offices through which politicians can climb to achieve the top executive positions as the "opportunity structure."  In Britain, Commons is virtually the sole opportunity structure in which major parties groom, evaluate, and recruit Cabinet members, party leaders, and ultimately when they win elections, Prime Ministers.  In the U.S. few sitting members of Congress have become president in recent decades, and few losing presidential candidates have contemporaneously been members of the national legislature, either.  Mr. John Kerry, 2004 candidate for President of the Democratic Party, was the exception in this regard.  Sen. Barack Obama resigned his Senate seat to devote full time to his successful 2008 presidential campaign.  The more frequent penultimate role of presidents is that of state governor.  Think of George W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and Ronald Reagan.  American voters often have seemed to prefer presidential contenders with state executive experience. 

The legislature, of course, makes some key decisions; even in the U.S. it is not just about "pork."  E.g., when then Pres. Bush sought to reform the Medicare program, the particulars were fashioned in Congress, not the White House.  In signing the bill, he admitted the final form of the reform as "not perfect," but signed it anyway.  This reflected the important legislative role of the U.S. Congress.  In Britain, great decisions also must pass through the legislature.  Looking at the British politics of going to War, for example, despite widespread public opposition, by a vote of 412 to 149 the House of Commons on March 18, 2003 authorized British armed forces to use "all means necessary" toward Iraq.  This granted legal authority to wage war there alongside the USA.  (The U.S. Congress had delegated this decision to Pres. Bush in October 2002, in a divided and somewhat partisan vote.).  Contrarily, in Britain, substantial majorities of both major parties supported the resolution, though approximately 140 members of parliament for Labour voted against Prime Minister Blair on the issue.  Go here to view charts breaking down this vote by party, as well as illustrating earlier votes on this topic.  


Recruiting Leaders: the role of political parties and of electoral forms is crucial in Britain, and requires a more full explanation:

1. An illustration of the outcome of the May 2010 General Election can be accessed by following this link.

2. An illustration using the May 2005 General Election can be accessed by following this link.

3. Follow this link to see an explanation of how British (and American) forms of elections tend to sustain a political party system in which two political parties dominate.


Other questions for discussion: 

Roskin discusses "devolution" as a large goal once set by the Blair Administration (1997-2007).  What limits were there to this process?  E.g., consider Northern Ireland: how readily did the power of the central government (i.e., in London) there "devolve" to local authorities as Blair initially intended?  Why? 

  • Go here to read more about Britain in Northern Ireland in general.
  • For more about the Northern Ireland situation: Prof. Roskin outlined another minority issue in the U.K., Britain's problem in Northern Ireland, and the film shown in class today will explore that problem.  The British Irish headache may have temporarily gotten an aspirin, as Nationalist and Unionist leaders in Ulster agreed in 2007 to compose a power sharing cabinet. It convened in May 2007, and operated fairly smoothly, 2007-09.  (Read more about it by following this link: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/6518929.stm).  However, in January 2010, the agreement to share power between Protestant (i.e., Democratic Unionist Party) and Catholic (i.e., Sinn Fein party) political parties within the agreed upon Power Sharing Cabinet and chief executive threatened to break down over the issue of local control over the police.  Fearful that local police would be too responsive to Sinn Fein objections to traditional Protestant parades, Democratic Unionists long delayed the transfer of control over the police from British to Northern Irish hands.  Viewing this as an indication of Protestant unwillingness to genuinely cooperate with Catholics in building a new Northern Ireland free from sectarianism, Sinn Fein threatened to quit the Power Sharing Executive in which their party leader, Martin McGuinness, served as Deputy Prime Minister.  (Go here for details).  After a long period of bargaining, control over the police was transferred to Northern Ireland authorities in 2010.

 


Sept. 20, 2012 : Contemporary British Leadership and British Political Culture

 

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link.

 

 

Agenda:

1. Preliminaries: Questions / comments on the British Political System, and on the film "The Blair Decade," will be entertained.

2. Key Elements of the British system of political leadership.  Make sure you have clearly in mind the institutional structure of the U.K., and the impact this has on leadership, parties, etc. .  (Follow the link to those notes).

3. Political Culture and its role in British Politics will be the main focus in class today.

4. Video on the career in office of Prime Minister Tony Blair will likely be continued, as we deepen our familiarity with the customs of how the role of Prime Minister fits into the British political system.  Pay attention to Blair's style of leadership, and to how effectively the British system was able to hold him accountable for his actions in office.  Issues raised in the film today will include insights into Blair's own Christian religious orientation (he converted to Catholicism while in office); his successful re-election campaigns (2001, 2005); his rocky relations with his own Cabinet; relations with the U.S. after 9/11, and in regard to the Iraq War; and managing popular opinion about that conflict in his later years as Prime Minister.  Again, his relationship with his Labour Party colleague Gordon Brown will be another important focus.  These emphases in the film are as they should be: ultimately, in 2007, Blair stepped down and the Labour Party passed the office of Prime Minister to Brown. 

Brown was defeated in the General Election of May 2010, at which time the Conservative Party, in coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party, returned to power for the first time since 1997.  David Cameron, the Conservative leader, now serves as Prime Minister; Nick Clegg, the Lib-Dem leader, is Deputy Prime Minister.

5. Discussion of the video and readings will follow.  To get things started, consider the following: 

Britain's political parties present themselves as reflecting a broad divide in British society, a gap associated with different economic classes. 

  • Consider the actual social class backgrounds of recent British leaders.  How well, if at all, have recent British Prime Ministers actually reflected a class basis for the British party system?  How well do American contending Presidential candidates of the Democratic and Republican parties?

 


Review issues: Britain is a stable democracy and the electoral system links the popular will to the authority of the Government.

But is the electoral system in Britain democratic?

Why or why not?

Why, even though now three parties have major roles in British politics, does Britain still essentially have a 2 Party System?   How is it related to their system of elections, the Single Member District system? If a planned national referendum on changing the election laws passes, how would the outcome be likely to effect future Parliaments?

What advantage does a 2 Party System have as a means of organizing a Government between elections?

What, if anything, is lost by having one?


Political Culture

Political Culture is a concept developed in the 1960s by Gabriel Almond (Stanford University, now retired).  He defined it as:

“the underlying... attitudes, beliefs, values, and skills that are current in an entire population, as well as those ... patterns ....found within separate parts of that population... [which] we refer to as subcultures.”

Almond believed that in studying political systems, one needs to examine both the structures that perform the political functions, and the political culture.  

“As we learn about the structure  and culture  of a political system, our capacity to characterize its properties, and to predict and explain its performance, is improved.”

Gabriel Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach (Boston: Little-Brown, 1966): 23-24.


II. British Political Culture

Key terms.  What is meant by each?

civility.

pragmatism.

legitimacy.

respect for authority.

non-violence.

Patterns in British Politics.  What role is played by, and how is each an example of the structure of British political culture?

  • class (in voting behavior)

  • region (in voting behavior)

  • the ‘public school’ - Oxbridge phenomenon

 


Sept. 25, 2012:  British Party Politics: the role of infighting in the demise of the Labour Government; Blair and the legacy of the Iraq War; fox hunting; the degree of fit between today's coalition partners (Conservatives, Lib-Dems).

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link

 

As we prepare for class today, the Blair Administration (1997-2007) will be addressed further in a reading, "Blood Sport," that looks into  the legislative process followed when his Government came under pressure to ban fox hunting.  Narrow as the particular issue was, the difficulties this issue posed politically provide insight into the nature of British party politics.  Relations with the U.S. in the 2000's, and Blair's role in bringing Britain into the Iraq War have in earlier classes depicted other dimensions in the simmering resentment of Blair's choices that many Labour M.P.s, Cabinet Ministers, and voters came to hold.  Though these issues were not identical to his problems in his relations with his Chancellor of the Exchequer (and subsequent Prime Minister) Gordon Brown, managing the various factions of the Labour Party ultimately proved to be Blair's greatest challenge.  These were issues that arose in earlier classes, as depicted in "The Blair Decade."  Additionally, the terrorist attack in Britain of July 7, 2005 (depicted in the film), shaped Blair's role orientation, and further complicated his relations with Labour factions that were made uneasy by the "law and order" emphasis Blair put on counter-terrorism efforts, and on the Iraq War.  Matters introduced in the film regarding new limits on civil liberties in the U.K. imposed by Blair may be discussed.

Before class be sure you have read (required):

Supplemental (optional materials) include:

 

 

 Sept. 27, 2012: Contemporary Issues in British Politics: Multiculturalism and extremism

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link

Today, multiculturalism and the toxic manifestation of some Muslims' extremism in the U.K. will be our topics.  How the British governments have responded is an important question of policy with implications for all democracies.  We will begin our meeting with a brief quiz, then will review what we recall about Tony Blair's response to the terrorist attack on the London transit system of July 7, 2005.  Two brief films may be shown to stimulate awareness of the problems (see below).

Of relevance is this required reading:

Supplemental (optional) materials that support in-depth student learning about the topics of Thursday's class include:

In light of the transitions from P.M. Tony Blair to P.M. Gordon Brown (2007), and ultimately to David Cameron (2010), the issues which unite and which divide the parties in the U.K. are of current and lasting interest. 


An excerpt (i.e., chapter 4) from the 2006 film "Ever Again" may be shown in class.  Narrated by Hollywood actor Kevin Costner, this documentary from Moriah Films of the Simon Wiesenthal Center (Santa Monica, CA) focuses on the rise of extremism throughout Europe in the first decade of our current century.  We will view the segment about the U.K.  Content in the "Ever Again" segment is meant to stimulate discussion about how democracies have responded, and how they ought to respond, to the threat posed by terrorists.   

Roskin's earlier chapters as well as today's readings concern the challenge of managing multi-cultural societiesThese serious issues warrant more attention than Prof. Roskin gave to them, and we will give some focus to it in class today. 

Background: According to the 2001 British census, there were 1.7 million Muslims living in the U.K., or 2.7 percent of the population.  

Consider and think critically in preparation for our discussions: Roskin says in today's readings that Britain and other European countries "do not handle immigration very well.  The United States handles it much better, precisely because we are all immigrants or their descendants."   Do you agree, disagree, or have a comment?  The following resources may help inform an answer:

 

 

 


Oct. 2: No class meeting.  Apple Day



Oct. 4, 2012: Introduction to Germany

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class: follow this link.

 


Contemporary German Politics: updating the textbook.  Germany held its most recent general election on Sunday Sept. 27, 2009, and Chancellor Angela Merkel (above left) led her Christian Democratic Party to victory (link to her victory speech and celebration, dubbed into English).  Parliamentary election results for the Bundestag (i.e., German lower house)  figures released by the German electoral authorities indicated that her party (the CDU/CSU) won 33.8 percent of the popular vote, and on this basis formed a Government in coalition with the Free Democratic Party (FDP), which won 14.6 percent of the popular vote.  The 2009-2013 Bundestag thus has 622 seats with the governing coalition holding 332 of them (see charts, below).  FDP Leader Guido Westerwelle (above right) became foreign minister, as tradition holds.  (The opposition parties are: the Social Democratic Party with 23 percent of the popular vote, the Left Party with 11.9 percent of the popular vote, and the Green Party with 10.7 percent of the popular vote (figures from the German Government website).  The German election system is a somewhat complicated fusion of direct election in single member districts and proportional representation of parties' nationwide support.  The electoral system is built around a two ballot method in which voters cast one vote for their district's representative, and one vote for a party.  Seats are distributed to parties according to the second or party list vote for parties, but only those parties that receive 5% of the overall nationwide party vote receive seats.  For complete explanation of the rules, follow this link.

September 2009 German General Election:

source for graphs above: http://www7.dw-world.de/bw2009/dw_bw_de/html_php/index_en_dw.html

For more complete depiction of the results, follow this link

To view an interactive map with the exact result by party for each of the 299 voting districts, follow this link and then click on the word "constituencies" on that page.


Before class today, read: essay on Germany , from its start through the Empire period (i.e., to 1918).

Map collections used to illustrate this class meeting are linked here, e.g. Empire Period, Weimar Era, Nazi Era before 1939.

topic: The German Nation and the German States

1. Final student questions/comments about the Britain unit will be entertained as class begins.

2. Stages of German Political Evolution and the Qualities of the German Empire, 1871-1918, are issues scheduled for attention today.

A brief review on "The Weak Foundation for German Democracy," will likely stress points such as:

a. Government: The German Empire (1871-1918) as an Authoritarian Political System
b. Politics: Hyper-Ideological parties, little power
c. Society: dependence on the State; migration and emigration; social strain
a. Political Science terms and concepts also need to be understood to follow this whole section of the course.  Can you define, apply these?

b. Q and A will then probe the qualities of politics and society in the Empire; other issues that may arise could include: how Prussian economic patterns had impact on Germany; and how the geo-strategic position of Germany affected German society and government.  (Questions on this may be asked)

c. Why did events in Russia known as the pogroms have impact on relations among social groups and politics in Germany?  It would be helpful if some of you have thought through an answer to that which you would share.

 


Oct. 9, 2012: Germany's first democracy, The Weimar Republic

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link.

Announcements:

Before class today, read: essay on Germany , from its start through the Empire period (i.e., to 1918) and the Weimar Republic.

Map collections used to illustrate this class meeting are linked here, Weimar Era, Nazi Era before 1939.

Tidbits from history: The 1933 Reichstag Fire: The Feb. 27, 1933 Reichstag (i.e., parliament building) Fire was an event used by the Nazis to justify their repression of opposition groups during the election campaign of March 1933.  To view a picture of this event, follow this link to a photo of it in a collection of photos about Nazi Era Propaganda at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum (Washington, D.C.).  The exhibit features many campaign posters and other period pieces, with translations into English.  The person accused by the Nazis as the instigator of the arson was a Dutch anti-fascist and others were charged by the Nazis as part of communist, not a Jewish, conspiracy against the German Government.  Later historians have reached different conclusions than did the German courts of that era, conclusions that also differ from those drawn by the first generation of independent historians.  Ian Kershaw (Hitler, 1889-1936: Hubris, NY: Norton, 2000) used archival materials in the Soviet Archives to support his alternative thesis that the Nazis themselves set the fire in order to create a pretext for their round-up of Communists as part of the election manipulation of 1933.


The Weimar Republic, 1919-33, is likely to be the major focus today.  In reading about it, pay attention to these issues (among other things):
 

a. The Cultural Legacy of the Empire

b. Birth Pains: A divisive rebellion, then the onerous Versailles Treaty

c. Political Institutions Exacerbate Conflict

- Electoral / Representation system
- Constitutional flaws: Article 48
d. Economic collapse

e. Emergence of anti-democratic political movements

f. Behavior of the public officials responsible for protecting the Constitution, 1928-33

 


 

 Oct. 11, 2012: The Nazi Regime and the moral consequences of it.

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link. 

Announcements: Read and digest the rest of the Bowen essay on Germany, i.e. the sections on the Nazi regime, genocide, and the case study on the Holocaust in Lithuania, ASAP please.

Extra Credit oral reports can be delivered on Feb. 16 (i.e., the date of our next class), if you have read and written a book review essay of Fogelman or Hallie (see syllabus).

A resource on German political history maintained by the Bundesarchiv of the Federal Republic may interest students.  Sections include documents and pictures from the Weimar Republic, the Nazi Era, the German Democratic Republic (i.e, communist East Germany), and the Federal Republic.  Follow this link to browse and learn.

I call my students' attention to an interesting article related to this section of our course (and to some eye opening comments about it that reveal the problems it discusses are not confined to the Arab world), recently appeared in the Harvard Crimson, the student newspaper at Harvard University.   Read it here: Eric T. Justin, "Protocols of the Elders of Crazy: on anti-semitism in the Arab World," (October 3, 2011).

I. Video: "Out of the Ashes" by Abba Eban

This film was part of a nine part PBS series that won the coveted Peabody Award for excellence in journalism in 1984.  Students who have further interest in today's film can find supporting information from the film's broadcasters, including links to supporting resources, a timeline of the whole set of episodes in the film series (including this era), and resources for teachers making up lessons on this era.  The film is available for purchase from the Hartley Film Foundation. 

PolS concept related to this section of the course: Totalitarianism

Think critically about the issues as you view "Out of the Ashes."   Write down any questions you have; raise them if you wish in class discussion. If you prefer anonymity, email them to the instructor and they may be used in subsequent classes.  

II. Discussion of film and issues it raised. 

The thesis of Daniel Goldhagen in Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (NY: Knopf, 1996) may be introduced during discussion.  Goldhagen probes the origins of German anti-Semitism and finds deep roots in German political culture, an explanation at odds with others who see political anti-Semitism in Germany as largely a byproduct of propaganda and agitation created by a small group who seized control of the German state during the Nazi era.  This book is among those available for extra credit essays and oral reports.

III. Activities of value prior to this class, or after it in preparation for subsequent class meetings:  

 

 


 Oct. 16, 2012:    Responding to Genocide: the "Rescuer phenomenon"

Class agenda to be projected onto the screen today is available now: follow this link.


Activities of value prior to class:  

  • Think about "Out of the Ashes".   Write down any questions you have on our unit thus far; some may be included in class, but you need not be identified if you prefer anonymity; email them to the instructor.  

 

  • Think about your prior learning about the Holocaust and related topics.  This also may guide you to questions and reflection about this section of the course.  Again, either pose them in class or email them to the instructor prior to class.  
  • The value of visiting the United States Holocaust Museum in Washington DC also is to be emphasized.  (Their online exhibits are a great educational tool, but a half day spent viewing the museum's exhibits is the best way to gain access to the important story that is retold there.  We are only 140 miles -- a 2 1/2 hour road trip-- from the Museum).  One item available online pertains to today's content on rescuers.  It is in their "Voices of Anti-Semitism" podcast series, which includes this six minute testimony by survivor Johanna Neumann, who relates her feelings about her enigmatic rescuers in Albania, the Pilku family, who both behaved with sensitivity toward those she rescued and yet admired Hitler.  I recommend it.
  • Students also should digest fully the assigned reading on this topic.  The section on Lithuania may prove especially instructive.
  • Renting and viewing the video of the film "The Nasty Girl" also can help a student grasp how post-war Germany has wrestled with the issues. Online vendors may have this feature film; if they don't, Prof. Bowen will be glad to loan interested students his copy.
  • The Handouts / webpages prepared by Prof. Bowen, "Trivializing Nazism and the Holocaust:" and "Applied Hatred: the case of the Columbia disaster as seen in contemporary Middle East," also attempt to make a focus on prejudice as a modern phenomenon come alive.

 

1. Any volunteers who wish to deliver oral reports on Hallie or Fogelman may do so.  Oral Reports on Fogelman, "Conscience and Courage" or on Hallie, "Lest Innocent Blood..." may be presented today for extra credit.  To receive extra credit for the oral report, a written book review on the book must be turned in.  This may be done at the start of class today, or at any course meeting to receive extra credit.  But to get the extra credit, the written book review essay must also be done.

Prof. Bowen may explain some of Fogelman's methods used in coming to her conclusions; and some of her insights (to the extent that student oral reports focus on other matters).

2. Two films will also be part of class this week.

A film shown today, "Courage to Care," will depict the rescuer phenomenon.  It will reinforce content of student oral reports, as several of the key personalities in the extra credit books are interviewed in the film.

 

3. Other discussion questions: 

What does the German experience, 1871-1945, show us:

  • about the majority rule formula and the potential for a "tyranny of the majority"?
  • about the qualities of leadership?  E.g., what difference is there between leadership in a democracy and the Nazis' concept of the "Leadership Principle"?
  • about German political culture?
  • about the relationship of attitudes of prejudice and racism to policies of genocide?  E.g., was prejudice a sufficient condition to produce genocide, or were other elements (e.g., a totalitarian state; a racialist ideology) needed?

4. Prof. Bowen will likely emphasize that while prejudice and racism have existed broadly in many societies throughout history, genocidal state policies have been rare.  In 20th century Europe, experience has demonstrated that genocide required:

Even with all these present, policies of genocide were to a significant extent cloaked by a fog of wartime in order to operate.

Genocide outside of Europe (e.g., in Cambodia, 1975-79; Rwanda, 1994) appears to have been less dependent upon large state bureaucracies and the existence of an industrial stage of national development.
 


Prof. Bowen's primer on Fogelman's "Conscience and Courage":

Eva Fogelman bases part of her book on theories developed by others:

Latane and Darley’s Theory informed part of her work:

  • noticing that something is wrong
  • interpreting the situation as one in which people need help
  • assuming responsibility to offer that help
  • choosing a form of help
  • implementing that help

Eva Fogelman presents a Classification Scheme of 5 types of motivations of rescuers:

1. moral rescuers:

-ideological, e.g., Irene Gut Opdyke: seekers of justice

-religious, e.g. , Nelly Trocmé

-emotional

2. Judeophiles

3. Concerned professionals

4. network rescuers, e.g. the Danes

5. child rescuers


Other Interesting Points in Fogelman:

Socialization matters

“rescuers’ acts grew out of their basic character, their core values and self images” p.169; early childhood very important; rescuer childhood homes were where fathers reasoned rather than threatened.

-rescuers frequently were first born, or had cared for younger siblings

-many rescuers themselves had hard childhood illnesses, or had suffered recent loss of loved one, establishing empathy with victims

Sometimes we really are "islands":

-self interest (broadly defined) was the central motive; few of  “John Dunne’s people” found (p. 158)

-being a witness while in a group inhibits individuals’ from undertaking rescue actions

-rescuers usually were asked to help

Rescuing is about values, not training, not gender.  This evidence decisively rebuffs the gender based morality hypothesis offered by feminist Carol Gilligan.

-only 5% of rescuers were trained professionals in the “caring professions”

-men, women equally represented among all types of rescuers

Even in rescuing, life isn’t fair

-Who to rescue:  girls > boys; younger > older

-being a rescuer transformed the individual, creating a “rescuer self.”  Sometimes this alienated rescuer from family, spouses, lovers. 

-After the war, many rescuers were not accepted back into their communities and had to emigrate.

 


 Oct. 18, 2012: De-Nazification: Societal and Institutional Change in Germany after 1949

 

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link.

Announcements:

 


A short video from the CBS "60 Minutes" program (Jan. 9, 1994) entitled "Passau and the Nasty Girl" will be shown in class today.

It is a case study of de-Nazification in post-war Germany :  Broadcast originally on January 9, 1994, it tells the story of Anna Rosmus and her experiences as a German schoolgirl with an interest in her town during the Nazi era, beginning with her investigations as a middle school student in 1981.  How the town (Passau) reacted to her inquiries and research papers is retold on the video.  The segment depicts not only one small city under National Socialism, but the enduring impact of that period on modern Germans.  A feature film, "The Nasty Girl," may be rented which also tells Anna Rosmus' story. (Follow this link for more from CBS on the film, including a transcript; and also including a 2000 update).  Rosmus later immigrated to the United States, and lives in Maryland.

Prof. Bowen contends that a focus on Passau is a fair focus on a representative German town.  While Bavaria, where it is located, differs from the rest of Germany in important ways (e.g., residents are much more likely to be Roman Catholics than is true in northern German regions), the themes raised about de-Nazification also have created tensions in other regions and throughout German society.  Three works by Anna Rosmus are among the options for the book review assignment, as listed on the current, most up-to-date version of the syllabus for our course.  I encourage students to read Rosmus' books.

A map illustrating the post-war Occupation Zones in Germany is linked here

Making Germany democratic. One theme Germans emphasized early in the post-WWII process of transforming their society was de-militarization; i.e., breaking the heavy influence of military forces on government, and breaking the traditional Prussian reliance on military force as a means to solve problems. Toward this end, German Governments chose to take conscious steps to end the separation of the military from society that had gone along with having an elite, revered professional armed forces during the Empire and Nazi days. One feature of this new policy was conscription, or "the draft." Under laws in effect since 1956, all German young men have been obligated to serve in the armed forces and, while service was short (usually one year or less), it was expected that every male would be as likely as his neighbor to have to serve. (Alternate jobs of similar duration in civilian service were made available for those who objected). In recent years, only 17 percent of those eligible to be conscripted actually served, and recently the term of service was cut to 6 months. These issues are discussed in a recent article: Michael Slackman, "Memo from Berlin: As Past Recedes, Germans Reconsider the Draft," New York Times (August 30, 2010), http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/31/world/europe/31germany.html?_r=1

 

Prior to class, consider these questions:  
What was de-Nazification?  Was it successful?

What was done in the German Basic Law (i.e., constitution) to:  (illustrate each)

check the threat of anti-democratic political forces?

improve the accountability of the elected officials?

reduce the number of political parties in the legislature?

increase the authority of the executive power in government?
 

Have these changes succeeded?

Modern Germany: overview of points that may be addressed
 


De-Nazification: Transforming the Political Culture: how did the Germans overcome the legacy of Nazism?

Two periods will be focused upon: the era of occupation by the Allies (1945-49) and the era under the rule of the Christian Democrats, 1949-69.

Some of the main features of de-Nazification by the Allies may be described.  Soviet and Western methods can be contrasted.  The impact on German public opinion was significant.

Well over 100,000 Germans were detained; most ultimately were released after short jail terms.

Nuremberg Tribunal (1945-46): Voluminous evidence of the system of war crimes and crimes against humanity was presented through newspapers, radio, and newsreels in movie houses.  There the German population learned how top Nazi leaders were tried, convicted, sentenced, and nearly all subsequently were hung.  78% of Germans found these trials “fair;” 55% saw verdicts as “just,” 21% saw as “too mild,” only 9% viewed it as “too harsh.”

12 Successor Trials (1945-47) of others occurred: 5025 were convicted of war crimes: 806 sentenced to death, 486 executed.

  • British authorities convicted 1085, 240 receive death

  • French authorities convicted 2107, 104 receive death

Prof. Bowen sometimes tenders asides at this point, regarding the durability of international "friendships," e.g., the French-American alliance; and about the more general issue of how long gratitude remains among a people liberated by military means from abroad. 

The contention is NOT made that the U.S. "liberated" Germany.  We did not.  We occupied it as a defeated state, and treated its population initially as potentially hostile.  This was a justified perception: Jeffrey Herf (Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys Cambridge MA: Harvard U.P., 1997) has shown that substantial minorities (30 to 40 percent) in Germany continued to express admiration for the goals of National Socialism during the period of occupation.

The tension between two divergent U.S. post-war Cold War goals can be juxtaposed: in pursuing the goal of de-Nazification sometimes compromises were made to advance an anti-Communist agenda.  Two individuals from the Nazi era were linked to the dilemma posed to the West in achieving these different goals: Reinhard Gehlen and Werner von Braun.  (For more on Gehlen, see the Federation of American Scientists' article on him; or this brief encyclopedia entry).  Both were recruited by the U.S. to work for U.S. agencies after the war: Gehlen by the intelligence community, von Braun by NASA.

The political biography of Konrad Adenauer is informative, especially insofar as it related to the transformation of the small pre-Nazi Center Party into a broad based, post-war "catch-all" party of the right in West German politics: the Christian Democratic Union.  Adenauer, the 59 year old mayor of Cologne at the time of the Nazis' ascent to power, was marginalized but suffered no lethal threat during the Nazi era.   Indeed, his comfortable life during this period was subsidized partly by gifts from a Jewish friend who had emigrated to the U.S.  Jailed briefly on two occasions by the Nazis, Adenauer also was not part of any active resistance to Nazism.  His wife, however, died shortly after the War, in part due to her confinement by the Nazis.

Jeffrey Herf's (6-7, 12) thesis about the impact of de-Nazification on partisanship may be presented:

“…the price for postwar integration of those Germans compromised by their beliefs and actions in the Third Reich was silence about the crimes of that period.  Memory and justice might produce a right-wing revolt that would undermine a still fragile democracy.  So democracy had to be built on a shaky foundation of justice delayed—hence denied—and weakened memory…. [T]he West Germans could foster either memory and justice or democracy but not both.  In the 1949 election… Adenauer’s victory made plain that reticence about public memory of the Nazi past was crucial, if notfor the preservation of democracy in West Germany, then certainly for the electoral victories of the Christian Democratic Party.  The emergence of a national electoral majority in favor of the argument that daring more democracy required more memory and more justice did not take place until the 1960s… The prospect of Social Democratic victory increased pressures within West Germany in favor of a hard line toward the Nazi past.”


A case study in de-Nazification:  A brief news report about the "Nasty Girl" of Passau, a "60 Minutes" segment from January 9, 1994, usually is shown at this point in the course.  (Follow this link for more from CBS on the film, including a transcript; and also including a 2000 update).  Anna Rosmus' travails, dating from 1981, are retold on the video.  All arose from her schoolgirl efforts to research her town's history under National Socialism.  Viewers learned more about the extent to which de-Nazification in Passau has been controversial, and other encounters with local memory.  A feature film of this same title may be rented which tells the whole of Frau Rosmus' story.

Aside: Prof. Bowen contends that a focus on Passau is a fair focus on a representative German town.  While Bavaria, where it is located, differs from the rest of Germany in important ways (e.g., it is much more Catholic than other regions), the themes raised about de-Nazification have created tensions in other regions and throughout German society.  Three works by Anna Rosmus are among the options for the book review assignment, as listed on the current, most up-to-date version of the syllabus for our course.  I encourage students to read her books.


Trends in German Public Opinion: a chart indicating the direction in Germans' sources of national pride also may be presented or discussed.


Oct. 23, 2012: Changing Germany: Political Institutional change, and contemporary German politics


above: Angela Merkel, Chancellor of Germany (Christian Democratic Party of Germany)

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link.

Prof. Bowen will likely soon introduce a resource for understanding how contemporary Russians understand their country and the world, "Russia Now," an insert that occasionally appears in the printed version of the Washington Post (authored from Russia by Rossiyskaya Gazeta), and its online companion, "Russia Behind the Headlines," which is accessible online.

Readings today address contemporary German politics.  See your course syllabus for full details.  Included among today's assigned readings is an article on "Angela Merkel's Germany."  For a still more contemporary analysis of the German leader today, follow this link to a January 2010 portrait of her policies from Time Europa.

But before we can seriously address those issues, post 1949 changes in German Political Institutions need to be understood.  The section below will help students recall materials presented in class, setting the stage for Q and A at the start of our class regarding what was changed between Weimar and the modern German political system, 1949-2010.

Linked materials concern the concepts of coalition and alliance in general.  Not focused on Germany, that webpage explains these concepts generically.  German governments are coalition governments, as Roskin explains clearly in the course textbook.  Understanding how coalitions work can inform an understanding of how German domestic relationships among political parties have changed between the Weimar and the current eras.  Coalitions also pertain to a comparative understanding of differences between U.S. and German party politics.  Coalitions in Germany are made between separate political parties, are formal arrangements negotiated by party leaders, and endure over several years (and usually for the entire period between general elections).  Coalitions in the U.S. sometimes involve members of both parties.  But these temporary agreements are informal understandings among elected representatives, not among party leaders; they are almost always linked to the passage of a single piece of legislation; and they do not long endure.  Indeed, both major U.S. political parties should be understood to be broad groupings of officials elected under a common party label, but who emphasize different issues and hold varied ideologies that reflect the political subcultures of different U.S. states, regions, or other elements of political identity. Northern Democrats tend to differ from Southern Democrats; Connecticut Republicans tend to differ in their views from mountain states' Republicans, etc. 

Related but distinct from this is the concept of alliance, which denotes a relationship between countries.


German Political Institutions
 

Key Problems Needing remedy:
 

Executive Power

  • stable tenure in office was needed
  • reliable legislative support was needed
  • accountability to electorate was needed
Legislative Power
  • reduction in ideological conflict was needed
  • representative-locality ties were needed
  • responsiveness of Central Government to regional interests was needed
Creation of Limits on Government: Remedies in the "Basic Law"
Limits on Government:
  • The Basic Law, or Constitution, enumerates a wide range of rights of citizens: 18 separate provisions in Basic Law.
  • Example: Under the 4th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, searches can be conducted only upon "probable cause" and with a warrant signed by a judge.  In Germany, the citizen enjoys far greater protection from wiretapping than has evolved in the U.S. under the 4th Amendment.   
  • The Constitutional Court, or highest court of the German judicial branch, is empowered with Judicial Review power.  This is present in the U.S., but not in the U.K.  German judicial review may be even more significant a check on Government than in the U.S. because the Constitutional Court can set its own agenda by issuing advisory opinions; the U.S. Supreme Court must wait for issues to be presented to it in cases raising live issues about already enacted laws or already committed executive actions.  Prior or "advisory opinions" are not issued in the U.S..
Executive Powers in the Federal Republic
  • The German Chancellor is the chief executive and political leader of the country.  The President is ceremonial, only.  The Chancellor exercises leadership of Cabinet members, but they retain considerable day-to-day authority over the ministries they supervise.
  • Fixed Term of office: four year term for Chancellor, Bundestag.  Set by the calendar, as in U.S., not by the whim of the ruling party as in U.K.  And yet, in 2005, the Constitutional Court ruled to permit a new election only three years into a Bundestag term.  This was permitted after Chancellor G. Schroeder appealed to it to allow an early balloting.
  • "Constructive No Confidence motion" requires new Chancellor be named before an unpopular Chancellor can be dumped.  This procedure only was used successfully once, in 1982.  In 2005, Chancellor Schroeder persuaded the President that no possible coalition could be formed and that new elections were needed, instead.  The Constitutional Court ruled that in this one instance, a new election was permitted.  (Since German law is code based, rather than "common law" based, this action does not set any precedent that guides future similar situations).  The election was held in Sept. 2005.  The results were indecisive, but Schroeder's SPD party finished second.  After some weeks of inter-party deal making, the leading party in the 2005 election, the Christian Democratic Union and its ally, the Christian Social Union, agreed to form a "Grand Coalition" government in cooperation with the SPD.  The leader of the CDU, Angela Merkel, became Chancellor; Schroeder resigned his leadership of the SPD, and joined the Board of Directors for Gazprom, the Russian natural gas company that is largely owned by the Russian Government.  (Can you even imagine a former U.S. President going to work for the Russians?) For more, see below.


Legislative Power in the Federal Republic

  • Ideological parties' influence has been reduced by requirement of support for Basic Law (Art. 21).
  • Small parties' influence has been reduced through the 5% rule: a party must win at least this amount nation-wide or no seats are awarded to a party.  (However, if candidate seats ARE directly won by a party, then the elected official takes his seat.  If three such seats are won, then the party also receives seats in a percentage corresponding to its national vote percentage).
  • The ties of voters to a representative are enhanced through two vote system.  Each voter marks two places on the ballot: 1st vote is for an individual representative; 2nd vote is for a party list.  A voter may "split" his vote by awarding his individual candidate vote to a member of one party, and his party list vote to another party.  Many voters do this so to insure enough votes are earned by the party that is the "junior partner" in the likely coalition with his/her preferred party.  Only parties with 5% or more may win seats, so insuring that the party of the junior coalition partner clears this hurdle often motivates voters to choose an appropriate small party in casting his/her party list vote.
  • Regions' (laander) influence has been enhanced by creation of a two house legislature.  In opting for bicameralism, Germans created an upper house modeled on the pre-17th Amendment U.S. Senate.  It is called the Bundesrat.  Delegates to the Bundesrat are chosen by the laander governments, not by the people directly.  All Budesrat delegates are chosen by the party (or party coalition) that holds the majority of seats in each of the laander legislatures.  In the Bundesrat, these representatives of the several laander vote as a block.

The Modern German Electoral System

The Bundestag (lower house)
 

622 seats from 2009 to 2013 (614 after Sept. 2005 election to 2009); number varies slightly after each election to insure exact proportionality of party representation that corresponds to popular vote.

Proportional Representation method of elections

Two vote ballot:

  • candidate vote
  • party vote

5 Percent threshold for any seats

exception:
  • small parties which have 3 candidate seat victories are awarded those seats


Leadership in the Bundestag

Chancellor and Ministries write most legislation

Strong Party Discipline


The Bundesrat (upper house)
 
Basic Facts:
  • 69 seats
  • appointed by, represent each regional (Länder) governments
  • 3 votes to four small Länder, 4 votes to seven medium population Länder, 5 votes to one Länder (Hesse), 6 votes to the four most populous Länder
  • bloc voting by each Länder delegation

legislative role, powers

  • initiates little legislation
  • must approve all amendments to Basic Law, and all laws which affect laander functions
  • can exercise delaying "suspensive veto" over new laws
  • Bundestag can over-ride with simple majority
  • Bundesrat can veto Bundestag over-rides
  • Bundestag can over-ride with 2/3 majority

German Elections: In Fall 2009, Germany held a General Election.  The charts and linked articles below provide background information.

1. Regarding recent General Elections that brought Angela Merkel to office (2005), and that reaffirmed her role as Chancellor (2009), the following items would be of interest to a highly motivated student:

Results of the General Election of Sept. 22, 2002 compared to the September 18, 2005 election and the Sept. 27, 2009 election

Elections in 2002 and 2005 were the closest two elections in modern German history.  In 2002, the ruling SPD-Greens coalition government won a bare majority to retain power.  In 2005, the results were so close that no clear winner emerged.  A "Grand Coalition" of the leading parties, the CDU/CSU and the SPD, ruled 2005-2009.  In 2009, the CDU/CSU finished clearly in first place, and was able to form a new coalition with the FDP.  The seats won by political parties in 2002, 2005, and 2009 were as follows:

Party

2002 Popular vote / seats in Bundestag

2005 Popular vote / seats in Bundestag

2009 Popular vote / seats in Bundestag

SPD

38.5% ... 251 seats

34.3% ... 222 seats

23%... 146 seats

Greens

8.6% ... 55 seats

8.1% ... 51 seats

10.7%... 68 seats

CDU / CSU

38.5% ... 248 seats

35.2% ... 225 seats

33.8%... 239 seats

FDP

7.4% ... 47 seats

9.8% ... 61 seats

14.6%... 93 seats

PDS / "Left party"

4.0% ... 2 seats

8.7% ... 54 seats

11.9%... 76 seats

Articles about 2005 Election:


Articles about 2002 Election:

Go here for Excellent interpretation of the 2002 election, by: Victorino Matus, "The Best of Times, The Wurst of Times," The Daily Standard online version of the Weekly Standard (Sept. 25, 2002).

For complete details on the 2002 voting, go here to see a map showing the breakdown of the vote by geographic district (or Wahlkreis).  One half of the seats are awarded by district, one half to parties on the basis of national percentage won.

For an excellent look at the situation in Germany three months after the election, see this December 4,  2002 editorial by Rosemary Righter, from the London Times.  (Registration is required to gain access.)

 


 Oct. 25, 2012: Midterm Exam. Bring a Blue Book / Green Book test-taking booklet to the test, with your name on its cover, only.  These are sold at the Bookstore.

Anonymity is needed for essays to be fairly graded: put your name on the cover, only, of your Blue Book/Green Book!

 


 

Unit Four: Russia

Oct. 30, 2012: The Russian Political Heritage to 1917: background to the 1917 Revolutions

Announcements: Class today:  We first will go over the midterm exam, then we will see a film and discuss it.

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link.

  1. Before Class:

 

2. During class: we will go over some issues about essay writing, then begin our next unit.  It is on Russia.  As in the German case, we will start with background historic material about its political traditions.

3. The film on Russia will depict its political evolution from its founding to the beginning of the 20th century will be discussed.  Any issues you did not fully understand can be cleared up before we move on.  In our next class we will turn to the social, economic, and political factors that contributed to the events of 1917 (i.e., to the Russian Revolutions of 1917).  The lives and ideas of Marx and Lenin will be addressed then. 

Issues to consider regarding the film and readings about Russia thus far:

  • How did the nature of the Czarist state contribute to its political problems? 
  • What forces shaped the opposition forces that confronted the Czarist state?
  • Several factors contributed to the 1917 Revolutions that ended the Czarist state; what were these?

 

 


 

Nov. 1, 2012: Background to the Russian Revolutions of 1917

Class agenda projected onto the screen today will be made available after class has met: follow this link. That agenda includes a summary of the theory of revolution adapted by Prof. Bowen from a book by U.C. Berkeley sociologist Neil Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior (1962).  Thus, today's agenda/notes might prove of value in understanding current events unrelated to our course such as the wave of revolutions sweeping the Middle East, 2010-12.

Announcements:


Before class be sure to read the assigned pages in Roskin, (see syllabus), and consider reading the links above and/or any of these supplemental (optional) Bowen essays related to today's lesson:

In class, in a PowerPoint presentation, Prof. Bowen will outline four major factors that contributed to the collapse of the Russian political system in 1917:

  • rural lawlessness
  • urban unrest
  • losses in foreign wars
  • rise in public support for various revolutionary ideologies

Nov. 6, 2012: Marx and Lenin: setting the foundation for the Stalinist system of Soviet Totalitarianism.  

Class agenda and notes projected on the screen today is available: follow this link.  Within that agenda are links to many materials that closely parallel content presented via PowerPoint slides during our class meeting.

Announcement:

Before class: 

 
 

 

 
 

Nov. 8, 2012: The Early Communist Sytem under Lenin and Stalin

Class agenda and notes projected on the screen today is available: follow this link. 

Of value in grasping the enormity of the changes in Russia,1917-21, are these links to supplemental resources and other resources:

  • More on V.I. Lenin, his life, his philosophy, and the political party he created is found in this essay by Prof. Bowen.
  • The basics of Marxism-Leninism also may prove helpful; as may 
  • Tone gives important clues to a person, and a government leader.  Reflect on the tone of the language used in some of Lenin's memoranda, e.g. his hanging order of 1918; or his anti-religious letter.  These each convey a brutal sense of what the new form of politics would be like under the revolutionary government.  
  • The Revolution itself was a two part process spanning 1917; follow that link to read Prof. Bowen's synopsis.  Or read a first hand account, Ten Days that Shook the World, by an American visitor in Russia at the time, journalist John Reed.  
    • This account by Reed later formed part of the 1981 Oscar winning film, "Reds," which both starred Warren Beatty as Reed and won the Oscar for Beatty's direction of the film.  The film also starred Jack Nicholson and Diane Keaton, and is a moving, three hour account of the romance of mostly well-to-do American leftists with communism, and the brutalities of the Russian revolutionary era.  Some part of this lasting irony manages to make it through to the viewer, despite the hagiographic slant of the film.  (Link to key scene)
  • A timeline summarizing the key events of 1917-18 is to be found by following this link, courtesy of Prof. Bowen.
  • To keep things sorted out,  pictures and capsule information on all Soviet and Russian leaders, 1917-2004 are provided.  Follow that link to learn more on each of them from Prof. Bowen, or follow this link to learn still more from a Yale University exhibit.

The course of the actual Revolutions of 1917 may be described (follow link to a timeline), as may be the immediate post-revolutionary events, e.g.:

  • The Communists' failure to win a popular majority in the only fair election ever held in revolutionary Russia.
  • The dictatorial essence of Lenin's rule, as illustrated by the shutting down of the popularly elected Constituent Assembly in January 1918.
  • The unpopularity of the new regime, and the harsh measures imposed by it during its first years in power, measures that stimulated a Civil War.

The New Economic Policy, 1921-25, and the early policies of Josef Stalin also may be addressed.  Film on the collectivization of agriculture in the USSR, 1929-32, sometimes is shown at this point.


Nov. 13, 2012:  Josef Stalin, and Stalinism, transform the Soviet Union

Class agenda for today will be available after class meets: follow this link

Before class please read: the assigned pages in Roskin, (see 306, 310-316) and Bowen essay on Stalinism.

  • For an excellent recent journalistic look at the residue left by Stalinism, see (optional): Ian Frazier, "On the Prison Highway," The New Yorker (August 30, 2010), 28-. This is accessible only in hard copy at the Library, as it is available online only by subscription.

The slightly more moderate Lenin policies during the New Economic Policy (N.E.P.), 1921-25 may first be reviewed. 

A segment from the 1990 PBS film "Stalin: Despot" then will be shown.  Key foci in the presentation and film substantially are supported by the assigned Bowen essay on Stalinism, and the class' attention is particularly directed to:

  • the terror famine in Ukraine (and elsewhere, e.g. the North Caucasus region) in the early 1930s as part of the large project of gaining control over rural areas by the ruling Communist Party (see Party memo on this); 
  • the Party's drive to industrial development of the nation; the role of centralized planning in that project; and the instrumental role of a vast system of labor camps, known as The Gulag, in cowing the population into submission.
  • the purges of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union during the 1930s, focusing on the trial and execution of "Old Communists" such as Nikolai Bukharin.
  • the general deterioration of conditions in the countryside throughout the decade after collectivization began (in 1930) and the rise of the penal camp system, the Gulag.
  • huge, useless projects such as the Belamore Canal, created by hand with compelled Gulag-labor.
  • the inefficiency of the massive bureaucratic system of central planning, and the role terror, torture, and labor camps played in chilling criticism and resistance to it.
  • the role played by a culture of loyalty to the Party over loyalty to one's family, as illustrated in the tale of Pavlik Morozov.
  • the horror of the Lubyanka (NKVD headquarters in Moscow) and related human rights problems such as those illustrated by the excavations of the Kuropaty Forest in the 1990s
  • the naive praise of Stalin's USSR by Western socialists such as the famous Irish-British author George Bernard Shaw, and the much more cogent understanding of what Stalin was doing that was written up by his less famous, but wiser, peer Malcolm Muggeridge.
  • the 1934 murder of Sergei Kirov and the use to which this was put in justifying a broad repression of Kirov's followers and other innocents in Leningrad,
  • the murder of Leon Trotsky in Mexico City in 1940, an event dramatized in the moving 2002 film biography of Mexican female artist "Frida" Kahlo, paramour of famous artist, and Mexican communist, Diego Rivera.
  • Other supplemental readings that will enrich understanding of this period include: the brief illustration of the impact of communism on family life, the historic document about Ukrainian starvation under collectivization, and Stalin's order on the deportation of the Crimean Tatars.  Follow the links.

Making connections: Totalitarians' methods.  

Observe closely in the film the use of language by a Stalin-era prosecutor.  In the prosecutor's speech, reference is made to "shooting the vile dogs" who the Party saw to be "counter - revolutionaries" during the 1930s; he also referred to them as "vermin" (i.e., sub-humans unfit to live).  Elsewhere, Prof. Bowen has argued that this use of language to deny the essential humanity of ones' enemies often serves to condition a people to regard as acceptable the actual mistreatment of individuals by totalitarian states.  For comparison purposes, recall the Nazis' similar use of language referring to Jews as "vermin," which also served to minimize in Germans' minds the abuse of and murder of humans that such terminology served to conceal.  

This tradition is not dead.  Please examine the use of subhuman caricatures in the discourse in the Middle East today (link is to a July 2009 report).


Nov. 15, 2012: Stalinism after Stalin: the system under his successor, Nikita Khrushchev (1955-1964)

Class agenda projected for today is available: follow this link

Two helpful items about the state of basic freedoms in Russia, from the Washington Post in 2010:

Before class: 

 

The Soviet system of government came to an end December 25, 1991.  Why and how this occurred relates to the structural problems of the system of communism, and the failure of reforms led by the CPSU to address them.   We will examine these failures.

Leonid Brezhnev emerged as the most powerful of the group of leaders who removed Khrushchev from power in 1964; he served as First Secretary of the CPSU until the early 1980s, making notable contributions in the area of foreign affairs.  

Agricultural failures of the system of collective farming continued, with the Soviet dependence on grain imports from the West and the tiny capitalist sector in agriculture playing a large roll in preventing malnutrition in the USSR.  The experience of agricultural reformer Ivan Khudenko shows the limit of innovation under communism: a man who tied incentives to production was punished for his successes.


In our next class, focus will turn to the elements that ultimately brought down Soviet Communism: first the Human Rights movement, then the rot in the Soviet system that Brezhnev compounded, and that the Gorbachev Government (1985-1991) sought to reverse. 

The Human Rights Movement, and the National Minorities' drive for Self Rule brought pressure onto the system from society, from the "bottom up." In this section of class today we make contact with the fallibility of totalitarianism, which as late as 1979-80 seemed to thoughtful political scientist (and Reagan era U.N. Ambassador) Jeane Kirkpatrick to be invincible. We will learn about the human rights movement which, despite severe repression used against it by the Communist government, nevertheless succeeded in undermining the claims of legitimacy of those totalitarian rulers. The leading role of nuclear physicist Andrei Sakharov will be a focus. Thoughtful, thorough preparation for this course meeting would take the student to essays on other "bottom up" pressures on Soviet totalitarianism, including Jewish activists' roles and the role of national self-determination movements of other minority nationalities.


 

Nov. 20, 2012: Leonid Brezhnev (1964-82) to Mikhail Gorbachev (1985-91): preserving Soviet communism until its final collapse, August 1991

Class agenda for today's class will be available after class meets: follow this link.

After reviewing the Brezhnev era (1964-81), we will look in a more extended way at the Gorbachev Government, 1985-91, and its demise through a series of pressures "from above" (or from the Government itself).  The "bottom-up" pressures from society that began under Brezhnev continued into the Gorbachev-era Soviet system.  Gorbachev responded by attempting to reform the system, a project that ultimately failed.   Following that review, we will examine the events leading to the overthrow of the last government of the USSR, the Gorbachev Government (March 1985-August 1991), and the mixed record of his successor, Boris Yeltsin, President of Russia (1991-1999).


Supporting documents on related topics which might prove helpful would include:

Beyond just the uprisings in East Central Europe in 1989, other international factors beyond Soviet borders also rocked the system, 1989-91, and contributed to its collapse. 


Either today or in our next class, the events in the center of Russia will be featured in film and lecture as the heart of the 1991 Revolution.  But, it is also true that the USSR was collapsing throughout the Soviet Union, and not just at its center.  One of the strongest pressures on the system for change came from national republics on the periphery of the Soviet Union.  These matters are explored in the linked Bowen essay about minorities in the USSR.


Nov. 22, 2012: No Class / Thanksgiving Break

 


Nov. 27, 2012: Revolution in Russia: 1991-1993

Class agenda for today will be available after class meets: follow this link.

Before class be sure to read the assigned pages in the course syllabus.

Announcements:

Useful resources for studying contemporary Russian politics, society, economy, etc:

  • Synopsis: After review of the sources of collapse created by Gorbachev's administration, a brief film on the 1991 revolution will be shown today.  In it we will meet Boris Yeltsin, President of Russia from 1991-1999, and the one person most responsible for the end of Soviet communism.  We then will learn more about why democracy had such a difficult birth in the Yeltsin years.   Beginning at the start of January 1992, Yeltsin instituted "shock therapy" economic policies intended to rapidly convert the centrally planned socialist economy into a capitalistic system.  Not only did this contribute to human suffering, it produced political resistance that led to the unsuccessful armed uprising against Yeltsin in Fall 1993.  This insurrection was championed by no less a figure than Yeltsin's own Vice President.  Film on these events is likely to be shown in our class today.  The suppression of this uprising marked an end to the revolutionary period, 1991-93.  We then will examine the results of the 1993 election, and the odd decision then by the voters to empower Pres. Yeltsin with a new Constitution while at the same time awarding greatest influence in the elected Parliament to his adversaries, nationalist/racist "Liberal Democratic Party" leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.  We will conclude with a description of the political factors that produced the unlikely re-election of Yeltsin as Russian President in 1996.

 

  • Echoes of the past: the story of the "suitcase nuclear bombs."  The story of 1996 re-election of Pres. Boris Yeltsin often vexes students.  How could so unpopular, and so unsuccessful a president have been re-elected, they ask?  Part of the explanation lies in the manipulation of patriotism made possible by the Yeltsin Government, substantially assisted by some of his advisors in that campaign.  The Russian election of 1996 was a multi-candidate affair, with two rounds of balloting.  In the first round, Yeltsin and communist leader Zyuganov finished in the top two spots, and therefore qualified for the second round of voting from which all other candidates were removed from the ballot.  Gen. Alexander Lebed, a popular Cossack and former commander of the Russian Armed Forces, was one of these candidates, as he finished third in the first 1996 balloting.   Between the two rounds of voting, Lebed made a deal with Yeltsin, who appointed Lebed to the influential national Security Council, and assigned him to be the negotiator on behalf of the Russian Government to meet with Chechen rebels then (and now) in armed opposition to the Russian state.  Lebed's support of Yeltsin in the second round of voting helped to insure that Yeltsin would win re-election; and the briefly honored peace agreement he negotiated with rebellious Chechens increased his popularity with the public at large.  Sensing a rival, Yeltsin promptly fired him, but Lebed did not entirely go away: he was elected governor of the Krasnojarsk region in 1998.  Lebed also was the source of a sensational claim that portable "suitcase nuclear bombs" once were part of the Soviet arsenal, and that (Lebed claimed) some of these dangerous weapons have turned up missing since the breakup of the USSR.  (A story about this is linked here , and a 1998 PBS inquiry into the charges is linked here.)  Lebed's allegations clearly are of interest to Americans seeking safety from terrorists inclined to do damage to the U.S.  But the general himself is no longer available for comment: he died in a suspicious helicopter crash, in 2002.

The difficulties faced by the Yeltsin Government in the first post-communist decade will be depicted, through lecture and film.

Supporting documents on related topics which might prove helpful would include:

About our film on the Revolution in Russia.  The segment of video addressing Yeltsin's mobilization of the public to resist the hard-line Communists' coup of August 1991, and his decisions to abruptly end the system of central economic planning (January 1992), a period extending to the violent revolt against Yeltsin (Fall 1993) will be shown to PolS 111.  The full 90 minute film also has sections on Yeltsin's career in the CPSU, from schooldays in Sverdlovsk, through his elevation to Moscow Party chief (1985), his confrontation with Gorbachev and party conservatives (1987), his election to the Congress of the Peoples' Deputies with over 90% of the vote in his district (1988), his alliance there with human rights reformer Andrei Sakharov (1988-89), his resignation from the Communist Party (1990); and it also covers nearly all major events that occurred after the suppression of the 1993 revolt.  Since time does not permit viewing the entire film, some of these matters are detailed further in this biography prepared by Prof. Bowen.

Institutions created in the Yeltsin years, and aspects of his administration, which extended from 1991 to December 31, 1999, may be addressed.  The following web pages support the content to be presented or summarized in class.

Overall, this segment of our course highlights the collapse of the authority of the communist party, the corresponding collapse of the Russia economy, and the steps taken by Yeltsin to recompose political order and economic recovery.  Many of the features of Russia's post-Soviet political system emerge in the 1990's as well: the emphasis on executive power, the ritual of elections even as they are drained of real decision making power in the hands of the public, the endless war against Muslim separatists and extremists first in Chechnya and later throughout the Caucasus region, etc..  One enduring feature has been the sharp deterioration in social services received by the people, as will be revealed through film on the public health crisis in Russia, which is likely to be shown in our next class.  Some linked information updates what the film will present (e.g., contemporary figures about AIDS / HIV in Russia).  Additional sources on contemporary conditions in Russia can be read by following this link.


Nov. 29, 2012: Creeping Authoritarianism under the V. Putin Administrations

Class agenda for today will be available after class meets: follow this link.

Before class be sure to read the assigned pages in the course syllabus.  These include Roskin, Chapters 21 and 23, and:

Other useful readings:

Features of the political system of Russia under Presidents Yeltsin and Putin will be compared today as a review lesson linking the failures of the 1990's to the challenges of the present decade.

Topics on the Putin era today include: the importance of civil society in a democratic political system; and steps taken by the Putin Government to create methods to control national politics, legal institutions, political parties, elections, and civil society sectors such as the press.


Some focus may also be given to the rebellious province of Chechnya, and what Russia's handling of it reveals. In light of the continuing impact that Islamist terrorism has had on both the West and Russia, students should examine background to the problems in the region of the Russian Federation known as Chechnya, reflect on modern Russian policies there, and make comparisons to Western approaches to domestic and international terrorism. Re: Russia:

 


Dec. 4, 2012:   Extra Credit oral reports.  More on the Medvedev-Putin era (time permitting)

Re: oral reports today.  Only students who have written a book review essay on an approved book or one from the list in the syllabus, and who have turned it in on time today, are eligible to deliver extra credit oral reports.

 

All book review essays for books on which oral reports are given are due at the start of class on the day the report is delivered. 

All other written book review extra credit essays also are due at the start of class today.


Dec. 6, 2012: Course Review

Do all required assignments in the course syllabus.  These include Roskin, Chapter 23 and:

Also consider reading some of these supplemental materials on the Medvedev years:

 

 

 

 


Dec. 10-14 , 2012 : As specified on the course syllabus, the Final Exam may be taken during any test period between these dates. Please write all essay answers inside a Blue Book test-taking booklet, placing your name on its cover, only.
 


This page last updated/last modified on May 24, 2012. 


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